Opinion and observation on a world gone crazy

Joe Gill, journalist and game inventor from Brighton, UK
Showing posts with label Vietnam. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Vietnam. Show all posts

Tuesday, 16 June 2015

Matthew Parrish fails to demolish socialism


Times columnist Matthew Parrish suggests socialist economics should be as discredited as believing the earth is flat, AIDS denial and eugenics.

This century’s intellectual consensus should show Marxism the door. Whether strictly defined as public ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange, or more loosely as state direction of the “commanding heights” of the economy, socialism must be counted as definitively discredited. Over almost a century that theory has been tested — in every case — to destruction. 
He goes on to mention a list of 20th and 21st century socialist experiments - Albania (Hoxha), Argentina (Kirchner), Chile (Allende), pre-capitalist China, Cuba, Eritrea, Mozambique (Machel), North Korea, North Vietnam, Venezuela - to show that socialism never works.

Is he right? It's very easy to take examples of Stalinist central planning, Mao's Great Leap Forward and some of the African socialist experiments to show that there are huge deficiencies in attempting to control economic activity from the centre without a free market. And it is true that Venezuela, the most high profile recent attempt at "21st century socialism" has run into a lot of trouble with price controls, despite having reduced poverty and inequality.

So clearly there is something to that old argument that a state controlled economy will not produce prosperity, and cannot know what millions of consumers want, and that much of this can be left to markets.

His particular beef is with the English distaste for making profit, which he urges the Tories to come out in open defence of rather than skirt around. It's true that profit can be a dirty word, but it is the capitalist system in general that needs to be understood, rather than simply the pursuit of profit. Parrish's argument seems to be a slight aunt sally. After all, state firms under socialism in many cases make a profit but the wonderful thing about a state company, as against a corporation run for shareholders, is that it can cross-subsidise so that unprofitable but socially necessary activities are subsidised by profitable ones. Royal Mail made a profit for the UK treasury until George Osborne flogged it on the cheap, while also supporting loss making postal services.

Profit per se I don't see as a universal bad, even though it does occupy a level of hell in classical marxism, since it derives from surplus value taken from workers. In this sense, I agree with Parrish that the pursuit of profit should not be seen as the primary bad. However, what happens to profits once they are made is a legitimate question for society and will remain so. If our entire economic system is devoted to profit making at the expense of all other social goals, the results will be the same old bad ones - massive inequality, rising poverty, economic bubbles and the economic irrationality of failing markets, such as we saw in 2008. It is a fact that the state cannot substitute itself for markets across the whole economy - and will likely end up causing distortions if it tries to control the price of say, food, as has been seen in the Venezuela case. Subsidies - to individuals or producers - have been shown to be far more effective than price controls.

But it is one thing to claim that the abolition of the price mechanism and private profit making does not work if it is applied to the whole economy. It doesn't lead magically to the opposite being true: that letting unfettered markets control all aspects of economic life will lead to prosperity for all. That too is idiotic and flies in the face of all evidence. Market failures happen all the time, and can sometimes be catastrophic. While Stalin and Mao both created mass famines with rapid and forcible collectivisation of agriculture, Britain's 'free market' policy of selling grain from India and potatoes from Ireland on the world market when the indigenous people were starving led, not surprisingly, to the death of millions. According to Amartya Sen, the Indian Nobel Prize winner, the common factor here was the absence of democracy, rather than too much market or too much state (given that most so-called free markets require a very large amount of state cohersion to enforce them).

And contrary to what Parrish implies, state direction of the “commanding heights” of the economy is still widely practiced - in many Asian countries, including those rich Gulf Arabs, energy, transport, health and education are still largely state controlled.

Some industries are natural monopolies or quasi monopolies and privatising them simply allows for massive rent-seeking at the expense of the rest of society. The joke of state subsidised 'competition' on Britain's railways is a classic case in point. Certain models of socialism have been discredited, and price controls are sometimes ineffective and counter productive - although rent regulation works perfectly well in Germany, enabling it to avoid the housing bubbles that felled the UK and US in 2008, and also nearly did us in the early 90s. Markets often fail but the free market fantasy continues, despite the evidence that very few free, competitive markets exist - most are dominated by large companies who bully and destroy the competition.

Parrish attempts to caricature socialists as believers in a defunct ideology, but only in a bubble universe can the believers in classical free markets continue to uphold such an abstract model in the face of reality: most markets are distorted by the massive power wielded by large companies and the very rich. And that is something that capitalism and profit motive can never fix. Enter the state - or perhaps the democratic will of the populace harnessed in new forms of social ownership and control.

Long live the mixed social democratic market economy!

Saturday, 21 March 2015

Marx and Soviet anti-fascism – a tenuous link



The Soviet role in the war was unique and heroic, but the ‘socialism’ it built bares little relation to Marx’s revolutionary ideas, says Joe Gill 

On the 132nd anniversary of the death of Karl Marx, communists and marxists commemorated the great thinker's contribution to social ideas and for a new society in various ways.

Some gathered at his grave and drew a link between his life's works and the struggle against fascism that ended in a costly victory in 1945, led by the Soviet Union, which paid a terrible price in millions of lives to defeat nazism.

But in reading the Morning Star's editorial on the day, I had a terrible sinking feeling. The leader stated that only one of those states fighting the nazis was socialist: the USSR. It continued: “The Britain that fought the genocidal racist regime in Germany itself ruled a vast empire and treated many of the peoples it kept prisoner as subhumans."

While this was undoubtedly true, it can, in some ways, also be said of Stalin's Soviet Union - officially according to its 1936 constitution, the Soviet Union upheld the highest democratic ideals. In reality by the late 30s, it was a dictatorship in which neither the working class or any other class enjoyed full democratic and social rights.

This was discovered by visiting delegations of trade unionists, who were shocked at working conditions in factories, and was recognised by the writer of the introduction to the 1948 centenary edition of the Communist Manifesto published by the US communist party, which contrasted the ideals of Marx with the realities of the Soviet Union in which basic human rights were lacking.

 The editorial paints a picture of the battle against fascism that upholds the Soviet Union as a model of socialism that directly inherited the ideas of Karl Marx. This is profoundly misleading. Marx, as a synthesiser and revolutioniser of the ideas of English political economy, French socialism and German philosophy, did not envisage, nor would have uncritically approved of the USSR under Stalin (I suspect he would have hated it).

 It is true that the anti-fascist alliance was a triumph that also, via the victories of the Red Army, introduced millions of workers to the ideas of socialism. But the post-war division of Europe did not fulfil those dreams. The carve-up created a series of satellite states that built a deficient model of socialism.

That model lasted 40 years – and required the intervention of Soviet troops on two occasions to suppress rebellions in Hungary and Czechoslavakia - before collapsing under a weight of economic and political stagnation. It is difficult to argue that this version of the dictatorship of the proletariat was the one that Marx had in mind.

For the sake of left unity and progress in Britain we should not resurrect false utopias but stick to analysing the complex reality of 20th century history, in which the Soviet Union, especially under Stalin, represented an iron wall against nazism, but ultimately also a negative example (we can cite the prevalent use of terror, cult of personality, forced collectivisation, slave labour, national chauvinism) that held back socialist advance and distorted the states that were created in its mirror image.

We are still living out the legacy of that inheritance in terms of negative views of socialism, that are not simply the result of anti-communist propaganda. Of course, there are examples from the era that we can uphold as better versions of the model. Yugoslavia, Cuba and Vietnam, as independent revolutions with their own national and social base, were able to circumvent the worst excesses of bureaucratic dictatorship and imbue the construction of socialism with more humanity. The Chinese revolution, under Mao, exhibited examples of the best and worst.

 But it is in new thinking and participatory models of socialism and democracy along the lines attempted today in Latin America, that hope lies, and perhaps here in Europe too in the coming years.